Both the right and the left in Haiti have accused the other side of manipulating the recent food riots, of infiltrating, of provoking violence.
From the Right:
Note: The Haiti Democracy Project is a Washington DC based NGO whose board members include former US Ambassadors and the said Senator Boulus who is mentioned in the article. In the interests of full disclosure, the following report should have disclosed two things 1. that Senator Bolus was indeed a director of the project and 2) that the cause of Senator Boulus´s actual removal from the Senate was because he was born in the USA and has not renounced his US passport.
Take this then as a source from the¨"establishment" perhaps--- the ¨anti-Aristide¨camp, the¨"imperialist dogs" --whatever...
by James Morrell, director of project, 2008-05-02Paper presented at opening of
Haiti Study Group, April 29, 2008, held at Brookings Institution, Washington, D.C.
During the past year, President Preval has embarked on a path of impeding elections, undermining parliament, and challenging the constitution. These acts have constituted a major distraction from far more urgent priorities posed by the economic emergency.
Below we outline five areas of concern.
1. Presidential challenge to the constitution
On October 17, 2007 President Preval gave a speech calling the Haitian constitution the most destabilizing political element in Haiti, singling out its ban on consecutive presidential terms. Under the present constitution, Preval's term ends in 2011. Because he was previously president, he would be ineligible to run again. In calling for changes to the constitution, President Preval left open the possibility of avoiding the lengthy amendment process prescribed by the constitution in favor of some quicker method.
2. Failure to form the Permanent Electoral Commission
On December 3, 2006, local elections were successfully held and local government officials were elected. This for the first time in many years made it possible to choose local councils which could nominate a Permanent Electoral Commission. Elections for these councils are the government's responsibility. Haitian political commentators expected that the electoral commission emerging from the councils would be pluralistic, reflecting the variety of parties at the local level. The elections have never been held, however, and instead President Preval assembled a new temporary electoral commission whose members are assumed to be beholden to him.
3. Loss of integrity of electoral mechanism
In December 2007, a well-regarded manager, Jacques Bernard, who successfully administered Haiti's elections in 2006, was reappointed administrator of the electoral commission. In January 2008 he resigned when President Preval put in new bylaws eliminating his authority. The loss of Bernard was a major blow to the prospects for free and open elections.
4. Failure to hold senatorial elections
On January 11, 2008, the terms of a third of the senate technically expired. The elections had not been held because of the disarray noted in numbers 2 and 3 above. With the loss of a third of its membership, the senate's quorum would be threatened; however, in this bicameral legislature the House of Deputies cannot function alone, so the threat to the senate was a threat to the entire legislature. A compromise was reached to leave the last third of the senators in office until MayÂ 9, 2008.
5. Expulsion of senate vice-president
On March 18, 2008, a propaganda and pressure campaign personally orchestrated by President Preval culminated in a senate vote to expel the vice-president of the senate.This was Sen. Rudolph H. Boulos, elected overwhelmingly from the Nord-Est Department in 2006. (He is also a founding member of the Haiti Democracy Project.) The vote was illegal because the constitution forbids the senate from expelling members. Nevertheless, such a lynch atmosphere developed that Senator Boulos had to immediately flee Haiti to avoid arrest and likely mistreatment in jail. President Preval considered him a rival.
The Haiti Democracy Project is deeply concerned that Haiti maintain a free parliament, repeat its accomplishment of free and fair elections, and uphold the constitution. Together these institutions embody a certain consensus of the society even when opinion turns against the president, as it has today. With the legitimacy of the government rapidly declining, Haiti finds itself unable to cope with the humanitarian emergency of high food prices. Our goal is a government capable of channelizing the deep and justified grievances of the people into the arenas of resolution provided by the constitution. Again and again we have seen in Haiti that elections denied or distorted have triggered deeper upheavals of the people so disenfranchised. This political destabilization will add fuel to the fire of popular protest over economic issues that has spread so alarmingly in Haiti's major cities.